11.(MEDIEVAL INDIA)POLITICS, STATE, SOCIETY AND THE ECONOMY IN SOUTH INDIA UNDER VIJAYANAGAR AND BAHMANID RULE (C. 1350-1565)

References: Satish Chandra(Medieval India) and JL Mehta(Advanced Study In History Of Medieval India).Also minor facts from other books and figure and facts from verified Internet sources.

11.POLITICS, STATE, SOCIETY AND THE ECONOMY IN SOUTH INDIA UNDER VIJAYANAGAR  AND BAHMANID RULE (C. 1350-1565)

The decline of the Delhi Sultanat was accompanied by the rise of Vijayanagar and Bahmanid kingdoms

which dominated India south of Vindhyas for more than 200 years. Although these kingdoms constantly

fought with each other, they maintained law and order within their territories, and on the whole

provided stable governments which enabled the growth of trade and commerce. Many of the rulers

devoted themselves to the growth of agriculture, and built cities and capitals with magnificent buildings.

Many of them were also patrons of art and culture.

Thus, in contrast to north India, two large territorial states emerged and functioned in south India from

the middle of the 14th century onwards. A new situation arose with the break up of the Bahmanid

kingdom towards the end of the 15th century, and the disintegration of the Vijayanagar empire later,

following its defeat at the battle of Talikota in 1565. This was also the period when a European power,

the Portuguese, entered the Asian scene, and tried on the basis of its naval strength to establish its

domination over the seas and its bordering areas and to capture the overseas trade.

i. The Vijayanagar Empire—its Nature and Conflict with the Bahmani Kingdom

There is no agreement among scholars regarding the early origins of the Vijayanagar kingdom. While the

role of Harihar and

his brother, Bukka, in the foundation of the kingdom are generally accepted, the early origins of the

family are far from clear. According to tradition,  they belonged to a family of five brothers, and had been

feudatories of the Kaktiyas of Warangal, and later joined the service of the ruler of Kampili in modern

Karnataka, gradually rising to the position of ministers. When Kampili was over-run and conquered by

Muhammad bin Tughlaq for giving refuge to a Muslim rebel, the two brother, it is said, were captured,

and sent to Delhi as prisoners, and converted to Islam. Soon a rebellion broke out at Kampili against

Turkish rule, and the brothers were sent to suppress the rebellion, but they forsook their new faith and

joined the rebellion. A number of modern scholars reject this traditional account. According to them,

there is little evidence of the brothers serving at Warangal, nor of their subsequent capture and

conversion. According to them, Harihar and Bukka belonged to the group of 75 nayaks of Karnataka who

had rebelled against Turkish rule, and that they belonged to a strong Shaivite family. They deny that the

family had any earlier links with Andhra. Whatever the controversy, the point for us to note is that in

building their system of administration, the Vijayanagar rulers not only used the Tamil traditions of

Chola rule, but also Telugu and Kannada traditions of the Kakatiyas and the Hoysalas. Thus, they were

not mere provincial leaders, but represented the entire south.

There was a complicated situation in south India following the collapse of Tughlaq rule. Some of the old

surviving kingdoms, such as the Hoysalas of Mysore, lingered on and a number of new principalities

arose. Of these the most important were the Sultans of Madurai, the Valema rulers of Warangal, and

the Reddis of Telingana. Later, the Bahmani kingdom rose to the north of the Vijayanagar kingdom.

These principalities constantly fought against each other, or allied themselves according to need. Thus,

in the struggle against the Sultan of Madurai, the Hoysala ruler, Ballal III, was defeated and executed in

1342. Taking advantage of this situation, Harihar and his brothers launched upon a campaign of

expansion, and soon the whole of the Hoysala kingdom passed into their hands. This was followed by a

protracted struggle against the Sultanat of Madurai. The Madurai Sultanat was wiped out by 1377.

Vijayanagar rule now extended in the south upto Rameshwaram, and included parts of Kerala which had

been parts of the Madurai sultanat. Earlier, Harihar had established a new capital, Vijayanagar, on the

river Tungbhadra. According to tradition, he did so on the advice of the sage, Vidyaranya. However,

according to another tradition, the city

was built by Bukka who succeeded his brother in around 1356, and ruled till 1377.

Vijayanagar had to meet the rising power of the Bahmani Sultans in the north who, from time to time,

received the support of the Valema rulers of Warangal and the Raya of Telingana who were afraid of the

rising power of Vijayanagar, and looked upon the Bahmani ruler as a kind of a balancing factor.

The Bahmani kingdom was founded in 1347 by an Afghan noble, Alauddin Hasan, whose family had risen

in the services of Alauddin Khalji. According to a popular legend, mentioned by Ferishta who wrote in

the 17th century, Hasan has risen in the service of a brahman, Gangu, and was, therefore, known as

Hasan Gangu. We do not know how far this legend is correct. After his elevation to the throne, Alauddin

Hasan, in order to raise the status of his family, tried to trace his descent from the Iranian heroes,

Isfandar and Bahman, and added the words "Bahman Shah" to his name. It was from this title that the

kingdom was called the Bahmani kingdom.

The interests of the Vijayanagar rulers and the Bahmani sultans clashed in three separate and distinct

areas; in the Tungbhadra doab, in the Krishna-Godavari delta, and in the Marathwada country. The

Tungbhadra doab was the region between the rivers Krishna and Tungbhadra. On account of its wealth

and economic resources, it had been the bone of contention between the Western Chalukyas and the

Cholas in the earlier period, and between the Yadavas and the Hoyalas later on. The struggle for the

mastery of the Krishna-Godavari basin which was very fertile and which, on account of its numerous

ports, controlled the foreign trade of the region, was often linked with the struggle for the Tungbhadra

doab. Thus, the rulers of the area allied themselves sometimes to the Bahmani kingdom, or sometimes

sided with Vijayanagar to save themselves. In the Maratha country, the main contention was for the

control of the Konkan and the ares which gave access to it. The Konkan was a narrow strip of land

between the Western Ghats and the sea. Its principal port Goa was, thus, of great importance to the

southern states.

Military conflict between the Vijayanagar and the Bahmani kingdoms was a constant feature almost

throughout the existence of these two kingdoms. This had several effects; it emphasised the military

aspect of both the kingdoms; also, the conflict between the two was often portrayed in religious terms.

However, the various kingdoms

and states allied themselves more on secular than religious considerations. Although claiming to be

defender of Hindu interests, Vijayanagar rulers did not hesitate from employing a contingent of Muslims

horsemen, armed with bows. As we have seen, their early struggle was against the Hoysala rulers who

were Hindus. Later, the Gajpati rulers of Orissa invaded and occupied parts of the Vijayanagar kingdom,

leading to a Vijayanagar-Bahmani alliance against them. The rulers of Warangal also allied themselves

for a long time with the Bahmani rulers against Vijayanagar.

The religious dimension cannot, however, be ignored altogether. It made the conflict between

Vijayanagar and the Bahmani sultans more bitter, leading to widespread devastation in the contested

areas and the neighbouring territories, with considerable loss of life and property. Both sides sacked and

burnt towns and villages, imprisoned and sold into slavery men, women and children, and committed

other barbarities, often in the name of religion.

The battle for the Tungbhadra doab had commenced as early as 1336 when the Bahmani forces had

attacked and captured Raichur, but which was recovered by Harihar the following year. Warfare

between the two sides continued in recurrent cycles. Thus, in 1367, Bukka embarked upon a war in

association with the ruler of Warangal to recover the areas lost to the Bahmani ruler earlier. We are told

that when Bukka I assaulted the fortress of Mudkal in the disputed Tungbhadra doab, he slaughtered

the entire garrison, except one man. When this news reached the Bahmani sultan, he was enraged and,

on the march, vowed that he would not sheath his sword till he had slaughtered one hundred thousand

Hindus in revenge. In spite of the rainy season and the opposition of the Vijayanagar forces, he crossed

the Tungbhadra, the first time a Bahmani sultan had in person entered the Vijayanagar territory There

are different versions about the outcome of the battle. According to Persian sources, the Vijayanagar

ruler was defeated, and had to retire into the jungles. We hear for the first time of the use of artillery by

both the sides in the battle. However, the Bahmani sultan could not gain a decisive victory, and the war

dragged on for several months, during which a wholesale slaughter of men, women and children went

on. Finally, a kind of a treaty was patched up which restored the old position whereby the doab was

shared by the two sides. A vague promise was also made that in future wars the two sides would not

slaughter helpless, unarmed inhabitants. However, this hardly had an effect on future warfare.

The elimination of the Sultan of Madurai in the south enabled Vijayanagar under Harihar II (1377-1404)

to successfully embark upon a forward policy in the north-east and west. As we have noted, there were

a series of Hindu principalities in the north-east region. The rulers of Orissa to its north, as well as the

Bahmani sultans were also interested in this area. Although the ruler of Warangal had helped Hasan

Gangu in his struggle against Delhi, his successor had invaded Warangal and seized the strong-hold of

Kaulas and the hill fort of Golconda. Vijayanagar had been too busy in the south to intervene. The

Bahmani Sultan fixed Golconda as the boundary of his kingdom and promised that neither he nor his

successor would encroach against Warangal any further. To seal this agreement, the ruler of Warangal

presented to the Bahmani sultan a throne set with valuable jewels. It is said that it had been originally

prepared as a present to Muhammed bin Tughlaq. The alliance of the Bahmani kingdom and Warangal

lasted for over 50 years and was a major factor in the inability of Vijayanagar to overrun the Tungbhadra

doab, or to stern the Bahmani offensive in the area.

The battles between Vijayanagar and the Bahmanis are described in great detail by medieval writers.

However, they are not of much historical importance to us, the position of the two sides remaining more

or less the same, with the fortune of war swinging sometimes to one side, and sometimes to the other.

Harihara II was able to maintain his position in the face of the Bahmani-Warangal combine. His greatest

success was in wresting Belgaum and Goa in the west from the Bahmani kingdom. He also sent an

expedition to the north of Sri Lanka.

After a period of confusion, Harihar II was succeeded by Deva Raya I (1404-1422). Early during his reign,

there was renewed fight for the Tungbhadra doab. He was defeated by the Bahmani ruler, Firuz Shah,

and had to pay ten lakhs of huns, pearls and elephants as an indemnity. He also agreed to marry his

daughter to the Sultan, ceding to him in dowry Bankapur in the doab in order to obviate all future

disputes. The marriage was celebrated with great pomp and show. When Firuz Shah Bahmani arrived

near Vijayanagar for the marriage, Deva Raya came out of the city and met him with great pomp. From

the gate of the city to the palace, which was a distance of ten km, the road was spread with cloths of

gold, velvet, satin and other rich stuffs. The two monarchs rode on horseback together from the centre

of the city square. The relations of Deva Raya joined the cavalcade, marching on foot before the two

This was not the first political marriage of this type in south India. Earlier, the ruler of Kherla in

Gondwana had married his daughter to Firuz Shah Bahmani in order to effect peace. It is said that this

princess was the favourite queen of Firuz. However, these marriages by themselves could not bring

about peace. The question of the Krishna-Godavari basin led to a renewed conflict between Vijayanagar,

the Bahmani kingdom and Orissa. Following a confusion in the Reddi kingdom, Deva Raya entere d into

an alliance with Warangal for partitioning the Reddikingdom between them. Warangal's defection from

the side of the Bahmani kingdom changed the balance of power in the Deccan. In consequence, Deva

Raya was able to inflict a shattering defeat on Firuz Shah Bahmani, and annexed the centre territory up

to the mouth of the Krishna river.

Deva Raya I did not neglect the arts of peace. He constructed a dam over the Tungbhadra so that he

could bring a canal into the city to relieve the shortage of water. It irrigated the neighbouring fields also,

for we are told that the canal increased his revenues by 350,000 pardaos. He also build a dam on the

river Haridra for irrigation purposes.

After some confusion, Deva Raya II (1425-1446), who is considered the greatest ruler of the dynasty,

ascended the throne at Vijayanagar. In order to strengthen his army he inducted more Muslims into it.

According to Ferishta, Deva Raya II felt that the superiority of the Bahmani army was due to their

sturdier horses and their large body of good archers. He, therefore, enlisted 2000 Muslims, gave them

jagirs, and commended to all his Hindu soldiers and officers to learn the art of archery from them. The

employment of Muslims in the Vijayanagar army was not new, for Deva Raya I is said to have kept

10,000 Muslims in his army. Ferishta tells us that Deva Raya II assembled 60,000 Hindus well skilled in

archery, besides 80,000 cavalry, and 2,00,000 infantry. These figures may be exaggerated. However, the

collection of a large cavalry must have put a strain on the resources of the State since most of the good

mounts had to be imported, and the Arabs, who controlled the trade, charged high prices for them.

With his new army, Deva Raya II crossed the Tungbhadra river in 1443 and tried to recover Mudkal,

Bankapur, etc., which were south of the Krishna river and had been lost to the Bahmamani sultans

earlier. Three hard battles were fought, but in the end the two sides had to agree to the existing

frontiers.

Nuniz, a Portuguese writer of the sixteenth century, tells us that the kings of Quilon, Sri Lanka, Pulicat,

Pegu, Tenasserim (in Burma)

and Malaya paid tribute to Deva Raya II. It is doubtful whether the Vijayanagar rulers were powerful

enough on the sea to extract regular tribute from Pegu and Tenasserim. Perhaps, what was meant was

that the rulers of these countries were in contact with Vijayanagar, and had sent presents to secure its

goodwill. Sri Lanka, however, had been invaded a number of times. This could have not been attained

without a strong navy.

Under a series of capable rulers, Vijayanagar emerged as the most powerful and wealthy state in the

south during the first half of the fifteenth century. A number of travellers who visited Vijayanagar during

the period have left a graphic account of the city and the country. The Italian traveller, Nicolo Conti, who

visited Vijayanagar in 1420, says of the city "The circumference of the city is sixty miles, its walls carried

up to the mountains, and enclose the valley at their foot.... In this city there are estimated to be ninety

thousand men fit to bear arms. Their king is more powerful than all the other kings in India." Ferishta

also says: "The princes of the bouse of Bahmani maintained their superiority by valour only; for in

power, wealth and extent of the country, the Rayas of Bijarnagar (Vijayanagar) greatly exceeded them."

Abdur Razzaq who had travelled widely in and outside India, and was an ambassador at the court of

Deva Raya II, says: "This latter prince has in his dominions three hundred ports, each of which is equal to

Calicut, and on terra firma his territories comprise a space of three months journey." All travellers agree

that the country was thickly populated with numerous towns and villages. Abdur Razzaq says: "The

country is for the most part well cultivated, very fertile. The troops amount in number to eleven lakhs."

Abdur Razzaq considers Vijayanagar to be one of the most splendid cities anywhere in the world which

he had seen or heard of. Describing the city, he says: "It is built in such a manner that seven citadels and

the same number of walls enclose each other. The seventh fortress, which is placed in the centre of the

others, occupies an area ten times larger than the market place of the city of Herat." Starting from the

palace, there were four bazars "which were extremely long and broad." As was the Indian custom,

people belonging to one caste or profession lived in one quarter of the town. The Muslims appear to

have lived in separate quarters provided for them. In the bazars as well as the king's palace, "one sees

numerous running streams and canals formed of chiselled stone, polished and smooth." Another later

traveller says that the city was larger than Rome, one of the biggest towns in the western world at that

time.

The kings of Vijayanagar were reputed to be very wealthy. Abdur Razzaq mentions the tradition that "in

the king's palace are several cell-like basins filled with bullion, forming one mass." The hoarding of

wealth by the ruler was an ancient tradition. However, such hoarded wealth remained out of circulation,

and sometimes invited foreign attack.

There has been a good deal of debate among scholars about the nature of the Vijayanagar state.

Nilkanth Shastri considered it the nearest to a war state. He traces this to the view put forward by a

Vijayanagar ruler that the income of the state should be divided into four parts, one part for various

works, two, i.e. half for warfare, and the remainder saved for an emergency. He also lays emphasis on

the amaram system whereby its holder, the nayak, who was granted a piece of territory had, in return,

to maintain a number of troops, horses and elephants for the service of the ruler, and swear loyalty to

him.

Vijayanagar was a war state only in the sense that all medieval states had to be constantly ready for war.

The success of the rulers of Vijayanagar in meeting their Muslim opponents was largely based on the

fact that they not only copied their mode of cavalry warfare but also, as we have seen, inducted a large

number of mounted Muslim archers in their army. The rulers of Vijayanagar also maintained a large

standing army which, we are told, was paid in cash. Thus, while continuing traditional forms, the rulers

of Vijayanagar also tried to adopt some new features.

There is a difference of opinion whether the Vijayanagar state was a loose association of semiautonomous military and territorial leaders, the nayaks, or was a centralised state on the model of the

Delhi sultanat. In this context it should be remembered that the amaram cannot be equated to the

Turkish iqta system. The nayaks were not former slaves or subordinates of the ruler in whose service

they rose, with the ruler having the power to transfer them at will or even to remove them. The nayaks

were hereditary territorial lords in their own right. While they promised service and loyalty to the ruler

whose grant legitimized their position, they ran their own administration, and paid a part of their

income to the ruler. We are told that there were 200 nayaks in the Vi jayanagar kingdom. The rulers tried

to control them, but could not remove them. Also, in some of the outlying areas in the south and the

west, local rulers who had accepted the Vijayanagar suzreignty continued to rule. Thus, the area

administered directly by the Vijayanagar rulers must have been much smaller than the size of the

empire. For the

purpose, apart from the usual council of ministers headed by a Pradhani or chief, there was a secretariat

in which a large number of scribes (kayasthas) were employed. According to Abdur Razzak, near the

ruler's palace was the diwan-khana "which is extremely large and presents the appearance of a chihal

situn, or a forty-pillared hall where the records are kept and the scribes seated." However, we know

little about the method of administration, or the size of the area under direct administration.

The Vijayanagar state has been called " a citadel of (Hindu) orthodoxy and conservatism". Thus, it is

argued, the rulers spent a lot of time and attention in building and repairing temples and maths, and

prided themselves on bearing the titles of "protectors of the Vedas, and the Vedic path". They also gave

great favours to the brahmans, who were not only given grants of revenue-free lands, but were

appointed commanders of armies and forts. The military assignment given to the brahmans, and their

important political role was, however, motivated not by religious sentiments but by a desire to use the

brahmans as a balancing factor against the powerful Kannad nayaks. In matters of religion, the

Vijayanagar rulers were not narrow. Although Saivities to begin with, they did not discriminate against

the other sects among the Hindus. They also give patronage to Jainism. The Christian missionaries who

had settled down in south India were allowed to do missionary work, and make conversions among the

Hindus. The Muslim soldiers employed in the army were given freedom for offering namaz, and in

general there were good relations among the Hindus and the Muslims. The only case of blatant

intolerance that can be cited is when in 1469, the Vijayanagar ruler, Mallikarjuna Raya, in a fit of anger

hearing that the Muslim traders of Bhatkhal had sold horses to the Bahmani ruler, ordered the

extirpation of all Muslims in the city. We are told that 10,00 Muslims were massacred, and the survivors

fled to Goa. This folly and crime led to retaliation from the Bahmani ruler, and the loss of Belgaum and

the surrounding region to the Bahmani ruler.

ii. The Bahmani Kingdom—its Growth and Disintegration

We have already traced the rise of the Bahmani kingdom, and its conflict with the Vijayanagar empire till

the death of Deva Raya II (1446). The most remarkable figure in the Bahmani kingdom during the period

was Firuz Shah Bahmani (1397-1422). He was well-acquainted with the religious science, that is,

commentaries on the Quran, jurisprudence, etc., and was particularly fond of logic, and

of the natural sciences such as botany, geometry etc. He was a good calligraphist and a poet and often

composed extempore verses. According to Ferishta, he was well versed not only in Persian, Arabic and

Turkish, but also in Telugu, Kannada and Marathi. He had a large number of wives in his haram from

various countries and regions, including many Hindu wives, and we are told that he used to converse

with each of them in their own language.

Firuz Shah Bahmani was determined to make the Deccan the cultural centre of India. The decline of the

Delhi Sultanat helped him, for many learned people migrated from Delhi to the Deccan. The king also

encouraged learned men from Iran and Iraq. He generally spent his time till midnight in the company of

divines, poets, reciters of history and the most learned and witty among his courtiers. He had read the

Old and New Testaments, and he respected the tenets of all religions. Ferishta calls him an orthodox

Muslim, his only weakness being his fondness for drinking wine and listening to music.

The most remarkable step taken by Firuz Shah Bahmani was the induction of Hindus in the

administration on a large scale. It is said that from his time the Deccani brahmans became dominant in

the administration. The Decanni Hindus also provided a balance against the influx of foreigners called

afaqis or gharibs. Many of the foreigners from West Asia were Persians, under whose influence Persian

culture and also Shia doctrines grew in the kingdom. The Bahmani rulers were tolerant in religious

matters, and though most of them were Sunnis, they did not persecute Shiism. Nor was jizyah levied on

the Hindus during the early phase of Bahmanid rule. We have no reference to jizyah in the subsequent

period also. If collected later on, it was collected as a part of land-revenue (kharaj). Firuz Shah Bahmani

encouraged the pursuit of astronomy and built an observatory near Daulatabad. He paid much attention

to the principal ports of his kingdom, Chaul and Dabhol, which attracted trading ships from the Persian

Gulf and the Red Sea, and poured in luxury goods from all parts of the world.

Firuz Bahmani started the Bahmani expansion towards Berar by defeating the Gond Raja Narsingh Rai of

Kherla. The Rai made a present of 40 elephants, 5 maunds of gold and 50 maunds of silver. A daughter

of the Rai was also married to Firuz. Kherla was restored to Narsingh who was made an amir of the

kingdom and given robes of state, including an embroidered cap.

Firuz Shah Bahmani's marriage with a daughter of Deva Raya I and his subsequent battles against

Vijayanagar have been mentioned

already. The struggle for the domination of the Krishna-Godavari basin, however, continued. In 1419,

the Bahmani kingdom received a setback, Firuz Shah Bahmani being defeated by Deva Raya I. This

defeat weakened the position of Firuz. He was compelled to abdicate in favour of his brother Ahmad

Shah I, who is called a saint (wali) on account of his association with the famous sufi saint Gesu Daraz.

However, Ahmad Shah was also considered a saint by the Hindus, so much so that his urs (death

anniversary) continued to be celebrated jointly till recent times. Ahmad Shah continued the struggle for

the domination of the eastern seaboard in south India. He could not forget that is the last two battles in

which the Bahmani sultan had been defeated, the ruler of Warangal had sided with Vijayanagar. In order

to wreck vengeance, he invaded Warangal, defeated and killed the ruler in the battle, and annexed most

of its territories. In order to consolidate his rule over the newly acquired territories, he shifted the

capital from Gulbarga to Bidar. After this, he turned his attention towards Malwa, Gondwana and the

Konkan.

Age of Mahmud Gawan (1463-1482)

The second half of the fifteenth century saw the gradual rise of the Bahmani kingdom as the leading

power in the south. This had been presaged by the conquest of Warangal by Ahmad Shah which showed

that the balance of power was shifting in favour of the Bahmaids. Following the death of Deva Raya II,

there was confusion in Vijayanagar which provided an opportunity to the Gajpati rulers of Orissa to

expand their power and influence in the area. The Bahmanids used the opportunity to consolidate their

position in the south, and to expand northwards towards Berar and Khandesh, and westwards towards

the Konkan. This brought them into conflict with the rulers of Malwa and Gujarat.

During this period, struggle between the Afaqis (Newcomers), and the Deccanis (Oldcomers) created

confusion in the internal affairs of the Bahmani kingdom till Mahmud Gawan rose to power and

prominence. Not much is known about the early life of Mahmud Gawan. An Iranian by birth he comes

first to our notice in 1456 when he was put at the head of a force to deal with a pretender who had risen

against the reigning sultan. Mahmud Gawan was introduced to the ruler, and steadily gained in

influence so that in 1461 when the sultan died, and a minor succeeded him, Mahmud Gawan was

appointed a member of the council of regency, set up to look after the affairs of the state. Following a

series of invasions by the ruler of Malwa, the council of regency was dissolved, and

in 1463 a new prince was seated on the throne who appointed Mahmud Gawan as wakil -i-sultanat

(prime minister), with the tile of Khwaja-i-Jahan and Malik-ut-Tajjar. Although Mahmud Gawan had

never been a trader (tujjar), this title had been awarded by some preceding rulers upon leading nobles.

Mahmud Gawan dominated the affairs of the state for twenty years. During the period, Mahmud Gawan

tried to extend the frontiers of the kingdom towards the east and the west. In the east, he came into

conflict with the Gajpati ruler of Orissa, and joined hands with Vijayanagar to oust him from the

Caromondal coast. He also made further conquest at the cost of Orissa.

Mahmud Gawan's major military contribution, however, was the over-running of the western coastal

areas, including Dabhol and Goa. The loss of these ports was a heavy blow to Vijayanagar. Control of

Goa and Dabhol led to further expansion of the overseas trade with Iran, Iraq, etc. Internal trade and

manufactures also grew.

Mahmud Gawan also tried to settle the northern frontiers of the kingdom. Since the time of Ahmad

Shah I, the kingdom of Malwa ruled by the Khalji rulers had been contending for the mastery of

Gondwana, Berar and the Konkan. In this struggle, the Bahmani sultans had sought and secured the help

of the rulers of Gujarat. After a great deal of conflict, it had been agreed that Kherla in Gondwana would

go to Malwa, and Berar to the Bahmani sultan. However, the rulers of Malwa were always on the

lookout for seizing Berar. Mahmud Gawan had to wage a series of bitter battles against Mahmud Khalji

of Malwa over Berar. He was able to prevail due to the active help given to him by the ruler of Gujarat.

It would thus, be seen that the pattern of struggle in the south did not allow divisions along religious

lines, political and strategic considerations and control over trade and commerce being more important

causes of the conflict. Secondly, the struggle between the various states of north India and in south India

did not proceed completely in isolation from each other. In the west, Malwa and Gujarat were drawn

into the affairs of the Deccan, and in the east, Orissa was involved in a struggle w ith Bengal and also cast

covetous eyes on the Coromandel coast.

The expansion of the Bahmani kingdom towards the east and the west led to a resurgence of the conflict

with Vijayanagar. But by this time Vijayanagar was no match for the Bahmani kingdom. Mahmud Gawan

not only annexed the Tungabhadra doab, but made a deep raid into the Vijayanagar territories, reaching

as for south as Kanchi.

Mahmud Gawan carried out a number of internal reforms. Some of these were aimed at limiting the

power of the nobles. Thus, the old provinces (tarafs) were further sub-divided from four into eight, and

the governor of each fort was to be appointed directly by the sultan. The salaries and obligations of each

noble were fixed. For maintaining a contingent of 500 horses, a noble received a salary of 1,00,000 huns

per year. The salary could be paid in cash or by assigning a jagir. Those who were paid by means of jagir

wer allowed expenses for the collection of land revenue. In every province, a tract of land (khalisa) was

set apart for the expenses of the Sultan. Efforts were made to measure the land and to fix the amount

to be paid by each cultivator to the state.

Mahmud Gawan was a great patron of the arts. He built a magnificent madrasa or college in the capital,

Bidar. This fine building, which was decorated with coloured tiles, was three storeys high, and had

accommodation for one thousand teachers and students who were given clothes and food free. Some of

the most famous scholars of the time belonging to Iran and Iraq came to the madrasa at the instance of

Mahmud Gawan.

One of the most difficult problems which faced the Bahmani kingdom was strife among the nobles. The

nobles were divided into old-comers and new-comers or Deccanis and Afaqis. As a newcomer, Mahmud

Gawan was hard put to win the confidence of the Deccanis. Though he adopted a broad policy of

conciliation, the party strife could not be stopped. His opponents managed to poison the ears of the

young Sultan who had him executed in 1482. Mahmud Gawan was over 70 years old at the time. The

party strife now became even more intense. The various governors became independent. Soon, the

Bahmani kingdom was divided into five principalities; Golconda, Bijapur, Ahmadnagar, Berar and Bidar.

Of these, the kingdoms of Ahmadnagar, Bijapur and Golconda played a leading role in the Deccan

politics till their absorption in the Mughal empire during the seventeenth century.

The Bahmani kingdom acted as a cultural bridge between the north and the south. It also established

close relations with some of the leading countries of West Asia, including Iran and Turkey. The culture

which developed as a result had its own specific features which were distinct from north India. These

cultural traditions were continued by the successor states and also influenced the development of

Mughal culture during the period.

iii. Climax of the Vijayanagar Empire and its Disintegration

As mentioned earlier, there was confusion in the Vijayanagar empire after the death of Deva Raya II.

Civil wars broke out among various contenders to the throne. Many feudatories assumed independence

in the process. The authority of the Raya shrunk to Karnataka and to some portions of the western

Andhra region. After some time, the throne was usurped by the king's minister, Saluva. The earlier

dynasty, thus, came to an end. Saluva restored internal law and order, and founded a new dynasty. This

dynasty also soon came to an end and a new dynasty (called the Tuluva dynasty) was founded by

Krishna Deva Raya (1509-30) who was the greatest figure of this dynasty. Some historians consider him

to be the greatest of all the Vijayanagar rulers. Krishna Deva had not only to re-establish internal law

and order, but he had also to deal with the old rivals of Vijayanagar, viz., the successor states of the

Bahmani kingdom and the state of Orissa which has upsurped many Vijayanagar territories. In addition,

he had to contend with the Portuguese whose power was slowly growing. They were using their control

over the seas to browbeat the smaller vassal states of Vijayanagar in the coastal areas in order to gain

economic and political concessions. They had even offered to buy the neutrality of the Raya by

promising him assistance in recovering Goa from Bijapur and giving him a monopoly in the supply of

horses.

In the series of battles lasting seven years, Krishna Deva first compelled the ruler of Orissa to restore to

Vijayanagar all the territories up to the river Krishna. Having thus strengthened himself, Krishna Deva

renewed the old struggle for the control of Tungabhadra doab. This led to a hostile alliance between his

two main opponents, Bijapur and Orissa. Krishna Deva made grand preparations for the conflict. He

opened the hostilities by overrunning Raichur and Mudkal. In the battle which followed, the Bijapur

ruler was completely defeated (1520). He was pushed across the river Krishna, barely escaping with his

life. The Vijayanagar armies also reached Belgaum in the west, occupied and sacked Bijapur for a

number of days and destroyed Gulbarga before a truce was made.

Thus, under Krishna Deva, Vijayanagar emerged as the strongest military power in the south. However,

in their eagerness to renew the old feuds, the southern powers largely ignored the danger posed to

them and to their commerce by the rise of the Portuguese. Unlike the Cholas and some of the early

Vijayanagar rulers, Krishna Deva seems to have paid scant attention to the development of a navy.

The conditions in Vijayanagar during this period are described by a number of foreign travellers. Paes, an

Italian who spent a number of years at Krishna Deva's court, has given a glowing account of his

personality. He remarks: "He is a great ruler and a man of much justice, but subject to sudden fits of

rage." He cherished his subjects, and his solicitude for their welfare became proverbial.

Krishna Deva was also a great builder. He built a new town near Vijayanagar and dug an enormous tank

which was also used for irrigation purposes. He was a gifted scholar of Telugu and Sanskrit. Of his many

works, only one in Telugu on polity, and a drama in Sanskrit are available today. His reign marked a new

era in Telugu literature when imitation of Sanskrit works gave place to independent works. He extended

his patronage to Telugu, Kannada and Tamil poets alike. Foreign travellers like Barbosa, Paes and Nuniz

speak of his efficient administration and the prosperity of the empire under his sway. The greatest

achievement of Krishna Deva lay in the broad toleration that prevailed in his empire. Barbosa says: "The

king allows such freedom that every man may come and go and live according to his own creed, without

suffering from annoyance, without enquiry whether he is a Christian, Jew, Moor or heathen." Barbosa

also pays a tribute to Krishna Deva for the justice and equity prevailing in his empire.

After the death of Krishna Deva, there was a struggle for succession among his relations since his sons

were all minors. Ultimately, in 1543, Sadashiva Raya ascended the throne and reigned till 1567. But the

real power lay in the hands of a triumvitrate in which the leading person was Rama Raja. Rama Raja was

able to play off the various Muslim powers against one another. He entered into a commercial treaty

with the Portuguese whereby the supply of horses to the Bijapur ruler was stopped. In a series of wars

he completely defeated the Bijapur ruler and also inflicted humiliating defeats on Golconda and

Ahmadnagar. It seems that Rama Raja had no larger purpose than to maintain a balance of power

favourable to Vijayanagar between these three powers. At length, they combined to inflict a crushing

defeat on Vijayanagar at Bannihatti, near Talikota, in 1565. This is called the battle of Talikota or the

battle of Rakshasa-Tangadi. Rama Raja was surrounded, taken prisoner and immediately executed. It is

said that 1,00,000 Hindus were slain during the battle. Vijayanagar was thoroughly looted and left in

ruins.

The battle of Bannihatti is generally considered to mark the end of the great age of Vijayanagar.

Although the kingdom lingered on for almost a hundred years, its territories decreased continually

and the Raya no longer counted in the political affairs of south India.

The concept of kingship among the Vijayanagar rulers was high. In his book on polity, Krishna Deva Raya

advises the king that "with great care and according to your power you should attend to the work of

protecting (the good) and punishing (the wicked) without neglecting anything that you can see or hear."

He also enjoined upon the king to "levy-taxes from his people moderately."

In the Vijayanagar kingdom the king was advised by a council of ministers which consisted of the great

nobles of the kingdom. The kingdom was divided into rajyas or mandalam (provinces) below which were

nadu (district), sthala (sub-district) and grama (village). However, the Chola traditions of village selfgovernment were considerably weakened under Vijayanagar rule. The growth of hereditary nayakships

tended to curb their freedom and initiative.

Historians are not agreed about the condition of the peasantry under the Vijayanagar rule, because

most of the travellers had little knowledge about village life and, thus, spoke of it in very general terms.

In general, it may be presumed that the economic life of the people remained more or less the same;

their houses were mostly thatched with a small door; they generally went about barefooted and wore

little above the waist. People of the upper classes sometimes wore costly shoes and a silk turban on

their heads, but did not cover themselves above the waist. All classes of people were fond of ornaments,

and wore them "in their ears, on their necks, on their arms, etc."

We have very little idea about the share of the produce the peasants were required to pay. According to

an inscription, the rates of taxes were as follows:

One-third of the produce of kuruvai (a type of rice) during winter.

One-fourth of seasame, ragi, horsegram, etc.

One-sixth of millet and other crops cultivated on dry land.

Thus, the rate varied according to the type of crops, soil, method of irrigation, etc.

In addition to the land-tax, there were various other taxes, such as property tax, tax on sale of produce,

profession taxes, military contribution (in times of distress), tax on marriage, etc. The sixteenth century

traveller, Nikitin, says: "The land is overstocked with people, but those in the country are very miserable

while the nobles are extremely affluent and delight in luxury."

Trade and agriculture grew under the Vijayanagar rule. As village self-rule declined, there was the

growth of a class of locally powerful people who used their position for developing agriculture by

providing additional irrigation facilities for which an extra charge was made. Many temples, which

enjoyed rent-free villages, also used their resources for this purpose.

Urban life grew under the Vijayanagar empire and trade flourished. Many of the towns grew around

temples. The temples were very large and needed supply of food stuff and commodities for distribution

of prasadam to the pilgrims, service of God, the priests, etc. The temples were rich and also took active

part in trade, both internal and overseas.

Thus, despite continuous wars, there was growth of trade and urbanisation in south India between 14th

and 16th centuries. Agriculture also developed. This was reflected in the cultural growth during the

period.